Ẹyẹn (snakes) are among the most common animals depicted by Edo artists on the Emwin Arhe (royal treasures). The varied depictions of these reptiles suggest different snake species, including the Ikpin (python), Arhunmoto (puff adder), and Olose (red-black striped snake); therefore, here we use the generic term for snake: Ẹyẹn.

The identification of snake motifs and depictions as Ikpin, as well as the importance accorded to this species, is a subject of scholarly debate. Paula Ben-Amos (1976, p. 247) argued that the Edo admired the “stature, colouration and crushing power” of the python, which was in turn associated with Olokun. She went on to identify the brass figures of snakes that formerly adorned the roof of the palace, as well as several other snakes, as pythons. Joseph Nevadomsky (1988, p. 77) argued instead that the importance of the Ikpin had been overstated.

Some of these snake representations may in fact be the Arhunmwoto (puff adder). The first to suggest this was the German curator Felix von Luschan (1919) in his early research into the Benin royal treasures. Nevadomsky (1988, pp. 79–80) suggested that the large head, narrow neck, and rough scales are indicative of either the puff adder, a symbol of “material wealth, tribute, and gifts,” or the Gaboon viper.

Another kind of snake that may be depicted is the Olose (red-black striped snake). It has the praise name “king of the snakes” in Edo. Olose is also closely connected to the deity Olokun, both because of its attractiveness and because it inhabits wet environments such as forest streams, which in turn flow into rivers and the sea, where Olokun lives (Nevadomsky 1988, pp. 76–77). Although the exact meanings of these different snakes vary, they share the characteristic of being spiritually powerful creatures.

Osisi is the general Edo word for guns. Osisi were initially introduced to the Benin Kingdom by the Portuguese from the late 16th century onwards and were again traded by the Dutch from the early 17th century (Osadolor 2007, p. 80). Osisi are usually represented as being carried by, or positioned close to, figures identified as Portuguese based on their attire and hairstyles. There are a small number of exceptions, including two wooden carved examples. One is a possible chair seat where a figure is holding a gun upright, and another is a carved wooden panel where a gun is shown next to an Edo dignitary. Additionally, a more recent work produced by the artist H. I. Erhabor includes an Edo figure holding a gun.

These weapons quickly became a potent symbol in the work of artists from the royal guilds, representing the Ọba’s military might, expansionist policies, and the wealth derived from foreign trade (Plankensteiner 2007, p. 208). Three different kinds of European-manufactured guns were used by the Edo army: the flintlock, the wheellock, and later the matchlock, which was used from the 1600s until around 1850. However, Ọba Akengbuda became increasingly wary of Edo dependence on European firearms and encouraged the production of firearms by the Igun Ematon. During the 19th century, the trade in firearms from Europe resumed, with Dane guns, so named because they were made in Denmark. However, from 1890, European imperial powers banned the trade in firearms to West Africa (Osadolor 2007, pp. 80–81).

Ebe Amẹ refers to a wide variety of plants, particularly the leaves of the water fern or river leaf, found in riverine areas of southern Nigeria ( ). Artists from the Igun-Ẹrọnmwọn used these as a decorative motif in the background of most Ama-Ẹrọnmwọn (bronze relief plaques). The petals of the Ebe Amẹ, like the points of the ἀghàdàgháda (crossroads), represent the four cardinal directions: north, east, south, and west. The number four plays a foundational role in the Edo calendar, which is structured around four market days ( ).

The Ahianmwẹ-Ọrọ, meaning ‘bird of prophecy’ in English, is a bird with a long beak believed to be a messenger of the spirit world. If it cries ‘OyaO’ (disgrace), it portends danger or disaster. If it cries ‘Oliguegue’ (be grateful), it portends good favour, fortune, or luck. If it persistently cries ‘OyaO, OyaO’ in front of someone, it is prophesying that the person should be cautious and should not undertake a journey, or should return home rather than continue. But if the bird cries ‘Oliguegue’ continuously, the journey will be favourable.

In 1515, as Ọba Ẹsigie passed through the gates of Benin on his way to fight the Attah (king) of Idah, the Ahianmwẹ-Ọrọ made discouraging sounds overhead, ‘OyaO, OyaO’, portending that disaster lay ahead. The Ọba ordered the bird to be killed and went on to win the war. He said, ‘Nẹ O gha yin Agbon, ghẹi daho Ahianmwẹ notiẹ oya’ (whoever wishes to succeed in life should not heed the bird of prophecy). On the Ọba’s triumphant return from battle, he commissioned the Igun-Eronmwon to make an image of the bird on the finial of a battle standard to remind it that the Ọba was not subject to the fate of ordinary spirits (personal communication, Patrick Oronsaye, 2022).

The identification of which bird the Ahianmwẹ-Ọrọ represents has been a subject of scholarly debate throughout the 20th century. Some have suggested that the bird is an African pied wagtail (Melzian 1937, p. 5), an ibis (Dark 1962, p. 46), possibly a kind of kingfisher (Ben-Amos 1976, p. 252), a hornbill (McCall 1975, p. 293), or, lastly, a white-tailed ant thrush (Nevadomsky 1988, pp. 76–77). In the case of the Ahianmwẹ-Ọrọ, however, Joseph Nevadomsky (1988, p. 77) posited that the exact species being represented was in fact less important. Instead, the aim was to “convey certain notions about the supernatural powers of the Ọba” and that the physical attribute (e.g., the long beak) was in fact the Ọba Ẹsigie’s casters’ way of seeking to “emphasise its vocal powers of prophecy, and, perhaps more importantly, the overcoming of these powers by the Ọba.”

The Ubanu'hi (infinity symbol) is a kind of guilloche or interlaced strapwork motif that can be angular or rounded. It was used by Edo artists in the decoration of many Emwin Arhe (royal treasures) and is ubiquitous in Benin royal arts. Ubanu'hi is a shortened form of “uba no Ọba ya de agbon ke ehimwin yi”, which means “the rope with which the Ọba ties the heaven and earth together” (pers. comm. Chief John Igbineweka Inneh n’Igbesawman, 2022). Similarly, Paula Ben-Amos Girshick (in Plankensteiner 2007, pp. 339, 341) described this as “Ọba n’iri agbon”, or the “rope of the world” pattern.

According to Ọbabanmu Ineh (in Blackmun 1984, p. 51), the use of this motif indicates that objects were carved by members of the Igbesanmwan. However, the motif is found on all types of Emwin Arhe (royal treasures), not only those made of ivory or wood. On the flanges of the Ama (relief plaques) alone, Kathryn Gunsch (2018, pp. 75–77) identified three different versions of the Ubanu'hi and, through her analysis of over 850 plaques, found that these different Ubanu'hi forms align with other characteristics, such as dimensions, the prevalence of ornamental motifs, and stylistic qualities. Together, these provide evidence, she argues, of different production groups among the plaque makers .

Kate Ezra (1992, pp. 209, 264) went on to argue that the use of these motifs indicates that certain objects were used in a “royal context” and were associated with “royal patronage”.